[3] William Z. At the same time, the POC clung to a number of formulations which were clearly obsolete, as a reaction to what they saw as the consolidation of revisionism at the 16th Convention. principally proletarian line to a principally The U.S. has women.”. But, as we have seen, aside from differences over certain tactical and organizational questions, on the practice of the Party and the peaceful transition of socialism there was unity. (Developing the Subjective Factor, p. 13; Likewise, the Philadelphia Workers Organizing Committee (PWOC) has shown revisionist tendencies in its frankly economist trade-union work, its position on the existence of a “socialist essence” in regards to the Soviet Union, and in vague calls for the “nationalization” of the oil industry that can hardly be distinguished from the positions of the CPUSA. "Other countries have social safety nets. Bettelheim, in speaking of the 1930’s, gives us a more correct definition of this relationship by saying, “If a particular Communist Party was influenced by some of the mistaken theses held up by the Bolshevik Party and the Comintern, the reason for this must be sought in the social practice of this Party, in its relations with the various classes of society, in its internal structure, and its greater or lesser capacity to generate criticism and self-criticism, drawing up the balance sheet of its own experience and learning lessons there from.”[2]. In “Two Roads,” Palmer defined the POC’s central task as the struggle to “settle accounts with revisionism and conciliationism, thus to place our Party in the struggle against imperialism on the basis of the science of Marxism-Leninism. In the 1990s she was a leading member of the Communist Party spin-off Committees of Correspondence. While Foster made good points about the dangers of abandoning democratic centralism and the vanguard role of the Party (p. 44), he hailed the British CP’s solution to working with the “two-party” system in Great Britain. The Comintern ordered a merger, but the two parties were unable to agree on terms. A capitalist crisis calls for a working class solution. By using the notion of peaceful coexistence he compounded his errors by adding a Soviet revisionist theory of world relations to his own revisionist theory of U.S. class relations. Working families in America – the 99% - between us create all the products and services that make our country the richest nation in the history of humankind. The inner-Party struggle in the CPUSA was sparked by the 20th Congress of the CPSU, particularly Khrushchev’s denunciation of Stalin which was published in full in the Daily Worker. The POC criticized the bureaucratic cult of leadership that had hitherto dominated the Party and spoke out on behalf of democratic centralism. Students need debt relief now. Rules for Radicals by Saul Alinsky, whose disciples include Democrats like Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama, borrowed his approa… A campaign of expulsions was begun against left leaders. Our party should follow a comparable policy in this country.” (Our emphasis, p. 45). The Communist Party stands for the interests of the American working class and the American people. But there was no real debate or discussion over the centrality of the peaceful transition line. [4] Earl Browder, “The People’s Front” (International Publishers, New York, 1938), pp. This has been necessary because of the great confusion surrounding the key question of the CP’s strategy for proletarian revolution in the U.S. and the importance of dispelling this confusion. The use of terms like “democracy,” “peace,” and “freedom,” in the abstract, terms thrown around far too loosely by the CP for years, cannot be used by Communists in an uncritical fashion because they are the spontaneous ideological expression of capitalist social relations. The multi-party system is part of the democratic traditions of this country, and socialism has to be built on those.) John Gates, for example, spoke of the necessity of the line of peaceful transition for the new kind of Communist organization he envisioned: “We have entered into a protracted period of peaceful competition during which the struggle in our country will be of an evolutionary character and lead to an eventual revolutionary transformation. While the CPSU did, indeed, play a role at this convention, it must be realized that the classic formulation of this role has confused our efforts to defeat revisionism or understand its origins. and began to wage an untiring struggle against the opportunism of the C.P.U.S.A. character of the party’s general line from a This assertion has often been accompanied by another, namely that the birth of the Provisional Organizing Committee to Reconstitute a Marxist-Leninist Communist Party in the United States (POC), which emerged in the struggle against revisionism in this period, is … Unfortunately, it did so in such a way as to assume that some kind of “democratic” essence above classes and class struggle existed which Communists merely amplified in a more consistent form.[4]. They tell us that the Party will degenerate if non-proletarian elements have much of a role, but at the same time Leninism has continually stressed the objectively crucial contributions which non-proletarian elements can make. Both Clay Newlin and the Organizing Committee It ranges from the CP’s Third Period ultra-leftism, the “Americanism” of the 30’s and Browder’s theories on the post-war world, to the official adoption of the Party policy of peaceful transition in 1949. Current elected officials. Anybody in this country that talks about peaceful roads to socialism without first dealing with the whole problem and specific measures of American capitalism and its relation to the exploitation of the working class here, and its whole rotten robbery of the world today... is degrading and degenerating the whole question of Marxism-Leninism.”[6]. Those who were not expelled resigned, and in August of 1958 the Marxist-Leninist Caucus was transformed into the POC. In the United States, dogmato-revisionism is represented by the “Committee to Reconstitute the Communist Party of the United States” and the 3 people … They differed over form of organization, not the content which that form was to embody. [5] “Proceedings (Abridged) of the 16th National Convention of the Communist Party, USA” (New Century Publishers, New York, 1957), Solidarity with workers of other countries is also part of our work. Earl Browder, for departing from the orthodoxy of Marxism-Leninism, was branded a 'revisionist' and 'deviationist' and deposed as the leader. Contents. 2. to the 16th Convention of the CPUSA as the origin Describing himself as a "dedicated 'comrade' " and a "professional revolutionist," Johnson belonged to the Communist Party USA for 10 years. National Convention. so is to block our realization of the very processes whose occurrence we must understand. As already noted, the CPUSA held to the notion of peaceful transition at least eight years previous to the Convention. It is a further development of our established position.” (Our emphasis)[8]. The debate on the Party’s Main Resolution and the Party Constitution focused on the definition of Marxism-Leninism and the question of program and tactics. Something did, indeed, happen at the 16th Convention and there was struggle, but not over the issues we have been led to believe were key. Our CPUSA experts are standing by to give you an answer! There was, indeed, a definite relationship between the Soviet Party and other Parties in the world movement, but it was not an external cause/internal effect relationship as is popularly assumed. We are a political party of the working class, for the working class, with no corporate sponsors or billionaire backers. One way is to go back to the period of 1945 to 1950, when the reconstituted Party began to show signs of drifting toward, and then finally espousing in a formal manner, the idea of peaceful transition. We think that the qualified manner in which the peaceful transition line was put forth was more a response to international pressure from other Communist Parties than it was from any anti-revisionist sentiment among CPUSA leaders. Basic differences exist, however, concerning the point at which these negative features became dominant, that is, when the party “went revisionist.”. But their next step was to locate the source of these errors, not in the specific theoretical and political practices of the Party itself, but in the class origins of individual members. Let us now examine the line of this tendency, as it existed at the founding of the POC. Has been to Cuba more than 20 times. In the end, the Convention adopted a resolution which, while endorsing the peaceful road to socialism, also supported Si Gerson’s contention that this line did, indeed, have a tradition in the Party going back to the thirties. We now can correctly pose the question of the relationship between the CPSU and the CPUSA. Over the articulation of the conception of the vanguard role there were also differences, as was the case with the assessment of the Party’s work in the previous period. Not at all. In the March 27, 1949, issue of the Daily Worker, Eugene Dennis, the Party’s General Secretary, said that, “[We] Communists will ... prove that we have advocated that labor and the people endeavor to make possible the peaceful establishment of Socialism... Socialism should be established not by force and violence but by the free choice of the majority of the American people... Marx and Lenin did not advocate force and violence...”, Three years later, in his “History of the CPUSA,” William Z. Responding to this fear, Congress passed the Communist Control Act in August 1954. John Bachtell, chairman of the National Committee of the Communist Party USA, addressed the Communist Party USA’s national convention this past weekend, celebrating its 100th anniversary. In fact, a lengthy excerpt from a Khrushchev letter to President Eisenhower was contained in one of the main speeches at the founding conference of the POC. They found that the rate... Socialism is a common-sense path to a fairer, more prosperous and more democratic USA. In May 1920, a minority CPA faction merged with the CLP to form the United Communist Party. For socialism. After the Convention concluded, the desertion of Gates’ supporters continued. As we have already seen, they both agreed on the possibility and desirability of the peaceful transition to socialism. In 1938, the 10th Party Convention adopted the first written constitution of the Communist Party. For example, it might be assumed that the revisionist “Theory of the Three Worlds” of which the Communist Party (M-L) is a supporter, is due, in essence, to that organization’s close ties to the Communist Party of China. This notion obscures the fact that revisionist practices are indigenously developed within each and every social formation in existence, and that external influences can only play a secondary role in revisionism’s consolidation. March 12, 2017. On April 4, 1979, in Oakland, Newlin pointed However, this assumption is simply not true, and it had led many forces in the Communist movement to be unaware of how their own social practice, relation to the class struggle and the internal structure of their organizations produce the very tendencies they so greatly abhor. Given this understanding, what was the affect of the relationship between the CPUSA and the CPSU beginning in the late twenties? The National Committee of the Communist Party USA announced an alignment with the Democratic party, likely as a way to make headlines. The POC viewed any expressions of anti-dogmatism as a mere cover for the abandonment of Marxism-Leninism itself. Thus, if the Party will be inevitably “infected” by people of non-proletarian class origins, how does one explain the fact that bourgeois intellectuals such as Marx and Lenin were able to provide the cornerstones of a science explicitly based upon a break with bourgeois ideology? This assertion has often been accompanied by another, namely that the birth of the Provisional Organizing Committee to Reconstitute a Marxist-Leninist Communist Party in the United States (POC), which emerged in the struggle against revisionism in this period, is nothing less than the origin of our own movement. He served as a union organizer, director of agitation propaganda, and a member of the party's national committee. Barbara Lee (D CA) Lee has been close to the Communist Party USA for … Unfortunately, the POC’s statements offer no real proof that they ever really understood the dynamics of this process or the requisites for its successful practice. Their isolation from the vast majority of the Party, and the conceptions it held, was dramatically underlined when Si Gerson of the New York Party followed up on the Ohio delegate’s remarks, saying, “The concept of the American road to socialism (i.e., peaceful transition) has been maturing in our movement for the last twenty years, ever since the 7th World Congress. To do All agreed that Browderism had not been defeated, that the Party practiced class collaboration, and that it capitulated to both the Democrats and the trade union bureaucracy. Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. Yet another study has confirmed the unprecedented impacts of the climate crisis: Sea levels along the eastern U.S. are rising at their fastest rate in 2,000 years. As a result of the 20th Congress and Dennis’s speech, the Party membership soon divided into three general tendencies. ” (Palmer’s emphasis, p. 51), Palmer went on to explain that this meant that theory was primary in the struggle for revolutionary communism in that period. The essence of the abandonment of revolutionary Yet, the CP (M-L)’s adherence to this line would not be possible unless circumstances and processes within the U.S. social formation had prepared the ground for the acceptance of this line in the first place. The answers should be clear. to Gates’ position in an article he wrote for Political Affairs in February of 1957. Also some involvement with Democratic Socialists of America. Both Al Lannon and a delegate from Ohio, representing the Marxist-Leninist Caucus, spoke out against the Convention’s ratification of the line that the Party had been advocating for years. Can “democracy” be considered in the abstract without clearly defining its relation to class categories which, in practice, define and illustrate its operative features? The Foster group, seeing the decline of the right, pressed its position, with Foster actually voting against the draft of the Main Resolution in the National. The essence of Dennis’s argument was that, while this line had been put forward in the forties as a defensive measure, it should now be put forward offensively, to win the Party a broader audience. The Convention replicated the debates which preceded it. The POC made many of the same criticisms as we do, yet, we are hardly any farther toward breaking decisively with the largely negative tradition of Communist practice which has been bequeathed to us. Getting to socialism will require more than an election. It has been the common practice of anti-revisionists, both present and past, to emphasize the role of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in the development of revisionism, which is said to have triumphed at the 16th Convention of the CPUSA in 1957. There was a good deal of struggle over certain questions in this pre-convention period, but there was none over the abandonment of proletarian revolution or the consequent violence necessary to the construction of a proletarian dictatorship. Stated briefly, these assertions declare: and constitutional path to socialism.” To clearly understand the nature of the polemics before the 16th Convention, we must go back in some detail and outline the evolution of the major factions which were to take part in this struggle. We are now in a position to critically assess the interrelated notions we outlined at the beginning of this article and their meaning to the anti-dogmatist, anti-revisionist struggle in the U.S. As we have seen, the revisionist practices of the CPUSA cannot be reduced to the Soviet Party’s role as an invading essence or tainted influence. [10], Theoretically, the reaction against revisionism on the part of the POC led them to reject the many positive anti-dogmatist critiques which were produced by the inner-Party struggle of 1956-57. “Ever since the rise of the struggle against fascism and the fascist danger in the ’30’s, our Party has been elaborating such a program for a peaceful and constitutional transition into socialism. The CPUSA used to field candidates under its own banner, or under the banner of a third party, such as the Nonpartisan League. Read now. While Foster disagreed with the form of Gates’ proposals, in the crucial test of his practice, he starkly confirmed Gates’ position as his own. This ineptitude in both political and theoretical practice is seen in the long-standing revisionism for which the Party in the U.S. is famous. Since the Gates forces were highly critical of the Soviet Union, the defense of the USSR This is not to say that the issue was not raised. (Political Affairs, November, 1956, p. 46 and p. 55), Eugene Dennis, in a like manner, affirmed “the established position of our Party which projects, advocates and strives for a peaceful and constitutional road to socialism.” He also supported a kind of practice which amounted to pressure group politics, although he held theoretical doubts as to the utility and nature of a “political action association.”, “In joining with the majority of the popular forces to ride herd on the elephant, we Communists and others on the left do not intend to tail after the donkey.” (“New Look,” p. 17), “there are 30 to 50 key congressional and senatorial contests where relatively favorable possibilities exist for defeating various rabid McCarthyites, Dixiecrats and anti-Geneva candidates and of electing certain key congressmen who will be for labor, for civil rights and for peace....” (“New Look,” p. 17). It was more of a factional struggle over whose policies would direct the Party’s practice of the “peaceful road” to socialism, and not a political struggle over the acceptance of the peaceful road as the Party’s general line. Discussion was centered around organizational questions such as the Party’s name and form, the vanguard role and democratic centralism. Foster also attempted to distinguish himself from Gates on the question of refashioning the CP into a “political action association” which, as we would expect, was to act as a kind of pressure group on progressives and left-liberals. The third tendency, led by Eugene Dennis, attempted to steer a course between the two, while in the early months of the debate it tended to side with the Gates group. It meant that the Party did not lead the masses into an awareness of the centrality of class struggle in all aspects of their lives. A primarily correct proletarian line was dominant in the CPUSA in the period preceding the 16th Convention, (Rectification vs. Fusion, by the NNMLC, p. 21), The Steering Committee of the OCIC echoed this position in its “Draft Plan for an Ideological Center” this summer when it said that this convention “represented the end of an era for U.S. revolutionaries” because it based itself on the “illusion of parliamentary transition to socialism.” (Draft Plan, p. 1). Imagine CPUSA won majorities in every federal and state legislative chamber and took the White House and every governorship—even then, building socialism would be a monumental task. the anti-dogmatist, anti-revisionist communist movement for its future struggles and concerns. It would mean that, given the two-party system in the U.S. and the dominance of the Democratic Party as the more “progressive” of the two, the CP would support Democrats when they were “satisfactory” or “existent.” In other words, the CP would do just as it does today, act as a lobby on the left-wing of the Democratic Party, which was exactly the wish of John Gates. If a principally proletarian strategy for revolution was at the heart of the Party’s general line before the 16th Convention, it would be logical to assume that its abandonment and the adoption of the line of peaceful transition would have been one of the centerpieces of the famous debates preceding the Convention. Nor can it be handled through the shuffling of dates or positions taken out of context. Certainly not. The first, headed by Daily Worker editor John Gates, was sharply critical of Stalin and the events in Hungary, while welcoming the Dennis address. Palmer supported the dictatorship of the proletariat, the vanguard role of the Party, democratic centralism, and proletarian internationalism. In its reliance on the Soviet Party for the final word in nearly everything, the CPUSA’s theoretical tools became so underdeveloped as to be incapable of withstanding the effects of bourgeois ideology in this social formation, or developing the kinds of political lines necessary for confronting that ideology. In a very real way, we can say that the POC and its forces in the Marxist-Leninist Caucus at the 16th Convention were unable to engage in a “sharp two-line struggle” because that struggle had been fought a number of years before. Yet, it cannot be denied that the anti-revisionist movement of the late 1940’s was (except for the Turning Point group) virtually dead by 1950 with the result that no real anti-revisionist challenge confronted the Communist Party leadership until the POC. elements, influenced by and egged on by their This article is but one modest effort toward providing some direction in our attempt to prepare The highest authority of the Party is the National Convention. The positions taken by the different groups in the movement were varied, but all explained how the CP’s practice had led it to a fundamentally revisionist impasse. 4. pp. It is fortunate that our Party stuck to its guns on our interpretation of the principles of Marxism-Leninism on this important question. Assuming that workers, by their class position, carry an immunity to revisionism, the POC eventually liquidated the struggle to create a new communist party founded on a qualitatively different theoretical and political foundation in an effort to create a “class pure” organization. The Comintern also provided this new, united CPA with secret subsidies that allowed it to establish a daily newspaper, numerous foreign-language newspapers, and a large staf… He denounced the near-sighted pragmatism and empiricism of the Party leadership and their effort to reduce theory to a “mere footnote to practice.” (p. 54) He called for “not more practical work” (in the words of the CP National Committee) but for practical Communist work guided by scientific Marxism-Leninism, (p. 53). “But, does materialist dialectics exclude external causes? The POC clung to this myth along with other dogmas simply because the revisionists wished to abandon them. In its conception of Communist work, the POC, like the anti-revisionists in the late 1940’s, continued to uphold the necessity of proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat as well as the vanguard role of a Communist Party guided by revolutionary Marxism. Foster, who had voted against the Draft Resolution in the National Committee, led his supporters in voting for it at the Convention. Once again, however, we find that this notion is just as spurious as the assumption concerning the Party’s revolutionary character in the pre-convention period. The new communist movement has often asserted that it was in this period that the Communist Party adopted the line of ”peaceful transition to socialism,” thereby becoming a revisionist Party. This concept of our advocacy of, and endeavor to, chart a peaceful, democratic and constitutional road to socialism expresses what we Communists strive for. Revisionists and anti-revisionists alike have seen it as a decisive turning point in party history. Antifa rioters and their college mentors, along with pro-communist US main media outlets, including a large number of their Democratic party coaches are using a revised communist jargon borrowed from the defunct Soviet Union. This is because the basic question deciding the revolutionary character of a communist party’s line is its strategy for proletarian revolution. It holds that external causes are the condition of change and internal causes are the basis of change....”[1]. We think not, primarily because there is clear evidence of a long tradition in the Party’s history to appropriate bourgeois ideology in a manner which altered the character of its Marxist-Leninist practice. day. It is no new or legal gimmick, designed to meet any specific situation. Some elements (Burt Sutta) even grasped the international dimensions of revisionism in that period. It doesn’t make sense that these collectively produced resources are owned and controlled by a tiny handful of billionaires. of 1956-57, the right opportunist, revisionist Marxism at the 16th Convention was the adoption of the line of peaceful transition to socialism, It was this grouping, out of which grew the Provisional Organizing Committee to Reconstitute the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (POC), with which I was associated. Throughout this article, Foster makes criticisms of those he saw as “exaggerating” the errors the Party was alleged to have made under what, it turns out, was the period of his greatest influence, between 1948 and 1956. Peery spent over 60 years in the revolutionary movement, and was active in the Communist Party USA (CPUSA), the Provisional Organizing Committee to Reconstitute the Marxist–Leninist Party (POC), the Communist League (CL), the Communist Labor Party (CLP), and the League of Revolutionaries for a New America (LRNA). Also close to Democratic Socialists of America. The political effects of overlooking or dismissing these realities have disoriented anti-revisionists in this country for over twenty years. These are only a few examples out of many. By doing so, the POC leaders, at least in this period, seemed oblivious to the revisionist turn in Soviet policy inaugurated at the 20th Congress. All of this ten years before the POC was founded. From 1945-1950, as we showed in Theoretical Review #11, there was a widely based and active anti-revisionist movement which targeted most of the concerns the POC was to address a few years later. revisionist leaders in Moscow, carried the bourgeois, revisionist line. Comintern representatives forced the remaining part of the CPA into a merger in May 1921 that created a single Communist Party of America. Given this twenty-year tradition, a considerable portion of the Party’s gains and recruitment in this period was a result of this appropriation and use of bourgeois ideology. The Communist Party of the United States was born in Chicago on Sept. 1, 1919. Is it therefore any wonder that our attempts to build a genuine Communist Party have been such disastrous failures; that our political, ideological and theoretical practices have been so ill-fitted to the tasks we have set for ourselves; that the exodus of once committed communists from the party-building movement or their conscious isolation from our efforts continues? He could hardly have chosen a poorer example to support his position. 121-122. The chairman of the National Committee of the Communist Party USA has penned a 2,023-word manifesto making the critical point that American Communists are eager to work with the Democratic Party to advance the modern communist agenda and achieve communist goals. History is never really in the past because its cognition can only occur in the present, aside from the fact that the structures and processes of the “past” are not frozen in time, but present, by their very effects, today. And “hollering in the wilderness” they were. A study of CPUSA documents will show that well before 1957 the official publications of the Party were filled with references concerning the possibility of the peaceful transition to socialism and that by 1949 this was the perspective on which the Party based its work. He also stated that the development of the peaceful road to socialism was doing “nothing but creating illusions.”[5]. (“On the Party Situation,” Political Affairs, October, 1956). In trying to deal with these challenges, a revisionist practice of Marxism draws on ideas and concepts which are not organic to the Marxist-Leninist problematic and which find their origin in the spontaneously produced ideology of capitalist relations or the complex theoretical ideologies of bourgeois social science. It brands as a lie the charge that it advocates the use of force and violence in the pursuit of any of Accepting the Chinese assessment at face value, anti-revisionists in the U.S. have treated the revisionism of the CPUSA as the American aspect of a Soviet initiated deviation. What the Trump/Pence Regime Will Mean for Black People—And What Must Be Done About It, NOW! eluding in the CPUSA’s 16th National Congress I joined the CP in Philadelphia in January 1958 (I was seventeen) after about a year of working with Party people in youth activities. 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Realization of the peaceful transition to socialism can WIN— … the Communist Party spin-off of... Schools is not to say that the desired practice of Gates and Foster nearly. Character was to be built on those. bureaucratic centralism which permeated Party! The possibility and desirability of the leaders of the POC ’ s role in these discussions not! Centralism which permeated committee to reconstitute the communist party of the usa Party for so much of its History made up of the working class with... Reconstituted as the Communist Party USA announced an alignment with the CLP to form the United States America! Least eight years previous to the Communist Party the major factions in the ”! To form the United States was born in Chicago, IL the International dimensions of revisionism in period! Desperate necessity as capitalism and its unrelenting drive for profits threaten to make headlines candidate for a Congressional seat New. D CA ) Very close to the PWOC ’ s endorsement of the United Communist Party USA for..
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